This explains the opposition to the accountability measures within the No Child Left Behind Act and other school reform efforts. The fact that one out of every four fourth-graders in a suburban school — and that young male fourth-graders including half of all those on free- or-reduced lunch plans and one-fifth of those who are not — are performing at levels of functional illiteracy all but proves lie to that assumption. So is the fact that a fifth of all persistently failing high schools are located in suburbia. This reality is also true for rural school districts, especially in discussions about accountability and improving teacher quality.
Faced with enormous challenges, such schools may be doing as well as they possibly can, though.
African-American children from low-income urban families frequently suffer from health problems that lead to school absences; from frequent or sustained parental unemployment that provokes family crises; from rent or mortgage defaults causing household moves that entail changes of teachers and schools, with a resulting loss of instructional continuity; and from living in communities with high levels of crime and disorder, where schools spend more time on discipline and less on instruction and where stress depresses academic success.
With school segregation continuing to increase, 1 these children are often isolated from the positive peer influences of middle-class children who were regularly read to when young, whose homes are filled with books, whose adult environment includes many college-educated professional role models, whose parents have greater educational experience and the motivation such experience brings and who have the time, confidence, and ability to monitor schools for academic standards.
Delegates were furious about an administration plan to waive deadlines for Southern school districts to desegregate. In the next year, however, George Romney launched an ambitious program to overwhelm white resistance and integrate the suburbs — not by busing schoolchildren but by forcing suburbs to accept black residents.
Bush and Barack Obama administrations. But Romney did advance one radical new proposal: Public school choice, permitting students to enroll outside their neighborhoods but within their districts, has been a staple of education reform for a decade.
Permitting students to choose schools in other districts, as Mitt has proposed, would be a dramatic departure, giving low-income black students the right to opt into affluent mostly white suburban schools. Busing poor black children out of neighborhoods with accumulating disadvantages is not only politically inconceivable but practically impossible — the distances are now simply too great.
And without integrating residential neighborhoods, there is little hope of integrating education. Residential integration is now beyond the pale politically and perhaps inconceivable practically as well. But it was not always so; we should give the policy a second look.
Recent research confirms that integration not only benefits black students but also does no harm to white classmates, provided the concentration of disadvantaged children is not great enough to slow the instructional pace or deflect time from academics to discipline.
Would urban districts have to reimburse suburban districts for the costs of educating transfer students and if so, at what rate — the sometimes lower per-pupil urban rate, or the per-pupil rate of the affluent suburb? Would the federal government prohibit suburbs from lowering class size to create less space for transfers, or from closing schools if enrollments in their immediate neighborhoods declined?
School choice plans can potentially narrow the achievement gap between black and white students only if they are implemented on a metropolitan area-wide basis, so that black students from racially homogenous cities can choose to attend school in suburbs where the problems of disadvantaged youth are not overwhelming.
In most cases, such suburbs are predominantly white. But when schools consisting mostly of white middle-class students are integrated by accepting some low-income African-American students, results are more positive.
Policymakers, even liberals, mostly consider school integration no longer practical, perhaps not even desirable. Some middle class blacks, understandably uninterested in experiencing or asking their children to experience white hostility in integrated neighborhoods and painfully aware of the resistance, even violence, that characterized past attempts at integration, reasonably seek the security and comfort of all-black middle class suburbs.
Both black and white policymakers, ignoring the social science research that has established the importance of peer and community influences on academic achievement, seek ways — charter schools that emphasize discipline and order, for example — to raise the achievement of low-income black youth in segregated ghetto schools.
These efforts are mostly unsuccessful, but even when charter schools claim success, apparent gains are small and may be attributable to admissions that rely on self-selection by the most motivated parents and children, and to the attrition of failing students.
The conventional belief now is that everything reasonable has been done, and that civil rights policies may even have gone so far as to be unfair to whites. The racial divide is now taken for granted.The achievement gap between white students and black students has barely narrowed over the last 50 years, despite nearly a half century of supposed progress in race relations and an increased.
3 Comments on The Myth of Differences Between Urban and Rural Schools One of the most-enduring myths in the debate over the reform of American public education is the idea that urban school districts and the kids who attend them are somehow different than those in suburban and rural communities.
There are many factors that cause to the gap performance between students in rural and urban areas. Students in urban schools get many excess compared to students in rural schools.
The National Education Association said that the low performing youth are in public rural schools (Brown & Swanson, ).
As educational history and urban history have developed in recent decades, a significant gap has opened up between them. On one side, educational historians have focused on the rise and fall of big-city school districts. On the other side, urban historians have documented how governmental housing.
In , The Departments of Education and Justice, released a first-ever package of guidance and resource materials intended to ensure greater equity in schools by helping districts and educators to address the overuse of exclusionary discipline and disproportionate discipline rates for students of color and students with disabilities.
Urban schools do, however, share some unique physical and demographic characteristics that differentiate them from suburban and rural school districts. Unlike suburban and rural school districts, urban school districts operate in densely populated areas serving significantly more students.